The Mysterious, The Heir Apparent, The Propagandist, The Enigma: How Khamenei's Sons Control Iran

by Ata Mohamed Tabriz

A claim on a Telegram channel that Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's youngest son purchased a luxury hotel in Budapest has reignited scrutiny of one of the Islamic Republic's most powerful yet secretive families.

The October 30 report alleged that Meysam Khamenei bought the four-star Hampton Hotel in Hungary's capital using a substantial loan from Ayandeh Bank, with a senior aide characterizing the purchase as aid for Gaza. 

While the Supreme Leader's office quickly denied the story, dismissing it as propaganda from opposition groups, the controversy has again thrust Khamenei's four sons into the spotlight - men who, despite official claims of modest living, occupy key positions in Iran's religious, security and economic power structures.

The allegations emerge amid growing concerns about nepotism and corruption within Iran's clerical establishment, where the boundaries between religious authority, political power, and economic advantage have long overlapped.

Ali Khamenei, 86, has led Iran since 1989, wielding authority over all branches of government. 

His four sons - Mostafa, Mojtaba, Masoud and Meysam - all wear clerical robes and maintain varying degrees of public visibility. 

Yet their influence extends far beyond the seminary walls.

The recent hotel controversy began when Network One, a Telegram channel, claimed Meysam made the Budapest purchase in September with help from Iran's banking system. 

Days later, the channel implicated Ali Shamkhani, former secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, suggesting his associates leaked the information to undermine the Supreme Leader's office.

Mehdi Fazaeli, a member of the office for preserving and publishing the Leader's works, responded sarcastically on X, comparing the allegations to absurd historical fabrications. 

Other state media emphasized that Mohammadi Golpayegani, head of the Supreme Leader's office, had made no recent public statements about Gaza or hotel purchases.

But many Iranians viewed the denials skeptically. 

On social media, observers said that official rejections of corruption allegations often precede confirmed scandals. 

The episode has revived long-standing questions about how the Khamenei family has accumulated influence across Iran's most sensitive institutions.

Meysam: The Youngest and Most Mysterious

Meysam Khamenei maintains the lowest public profile among the brothers.

He teaches at Tehran Seminary and works at the Office for Preserving and Publishing the Supreme Leader's Works, a well-funded institution responsible for archiving and promoting Ali Khamenei's speeches.

Few photographs of Meysam exist, and he rarely appears in public.

His wife is the daughter of Mahmoud Lolachiyan, a significant figure in Tehran's religious bazaari family and the founder of the Narges Islamic school network.

The Lolachiyan clan represents the traditional alliance between Iran's clergy and merchant class - a partnership that has sustained the Islamic Republic since its founding.

Despite his quiet demeanor, Meysam's name has surfaced in corruption investigations. 

In the Iran Petrochemical Commercial Company case, his wife's relatives, the Khamoushi family, allegedly leveraged political connections to acquire the firm at far below market value, moving billions of euros through opaque channels without consequence.

Another case, known as the Azam Automobile affair, also bears his indirect imprint. 

Abbas Iravani, owner of Azam Industrial Group and a major bank debtor, maintained close ties to Meysam's father-in-law. 

He avoided sentencing despite extensive financial misconduct.

Mojtaba: The Heir Apparent

Among the brothers, Mojtaba has the most attention and wields the most visible power.

At 17, he joined the Habib battalion during the Iran-Iraq war. After his father became Supreme Leader in 1989, several of his battalion associates rose to senior positions in the security and intelligence services.

These allies include Hossein and Mehdi Taeb, Hassan Mohaqeq, Mohammad Kowsari, Alireza Panahian, Hossein Nejat, and Ebrahim Jabbari – men who later led the IRGC Intelligence Organization, Sarallah Headquarters, the Vali-ye Amr special forces unit, and other key agencies.

This network forms the backbone of Mojtaba's influence.

His political interference begun in the 1990s during Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani's presidency and intensified in the following decade.

During the 2005 presidential election, Mojtaba actively supported candidates. Mehdi Karroubi, a candidate, later claimed Mojtaba's last-minute backing of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was decisive.

Four years later, during the 2009 Green Movement protests, demonstrators chanted, "Mojtaba, may you die before becoming leader," expressing opposition to his potential succession.

The protests also revealed indications of his influence over the judiciary.

Mostafa Tajzadeh, a reformist activist and former deputy minister (currently imprisoned in Evin), said his prosecution and that of his wife, Fakhrossadat Mohtashamipour, took place under Mojtaba's direct supervision.

Mohammad Sarafaraz, former head of Iran's state broadcasting organization, described Mojtaba's role in his resignation.

Before stepping down, Sarafaraz asked an IRGC intelligence chief to thank Mojtaba and Hossein Mohammadi, deputy of the Supreme Leader's office, for facilitating his departure.

Sarafaraz later referred to this shadow network as a "hidden government."

A leaked 2022 meeting provided rare insight into Mojtaba's power.

IRGC commanders discussed Mojtaba's role in dismissing Hossein Taeb from intelligence leadership and his efforts to undermine President Ebrahim Raisi.

Yadollah Bo-ali, commander of the Fajr Fars Corps, criticized Mojtaba's interference in security matters.

Others, including Hossein Nejat and Amir Ali Hajizadeh, defended his growing authority as necessary for the Islamic Republic's stability.

Morteza Amo-Mehdi, deputy commander of the Saheb al-Zaman Corps in Isfahan, quoted Mojtaba describing Raisi's government as "illiterate and incompetent."

The leaked discussion suggested Iran's unofficial crown prince may be positioning himself to control the power structure after his father's death.

Masoud: The Propaganda Chief

Masoud Khamenei directs the Office for Preserving and Publishing Khamenei's Works.

Though he maintains a calm, apolitical image, he controls a massive propaganda apparatus.

His office operates with substantial budgets and connects to numerous institutions: Islamic Revolution Publications, the Khat-e-Hezbollah weekly magazine, Fars News Agency, and several research organizations.

These entities shape public opinion and maintain the Supreme Leader's official image.

Masoud married into the Kharazi family, another influential religious-political dynasty.

His connections extend to judicial and economic spheres. His influence in the judiciary helped Hashem Yekeh-Zare, former Iran Khodro CEO, avoid severe punishment despite arrest on pricing violations and financial abuse charges.

Mostafa: The Enigmatic Eldest

Mostafa Khamenei remains the family's most obscure member.

State media occasionally publish photos showing his simple lifestyle or his presence at rallies and shrines. He reportedly lives in Qom and teaches at the seminary there.

Mostafa admires Mohammad-Taqi Mesbah, a hardline cleric. In a speech, he praised Mesbah-Yazdi as "a peak in Islamic knowledge" whose preaching aimed to create genuine faith rather than merely convey religious concepts.

His father-in-law, Ayatollah Azizollah Khoshvaqt, was an influential cleric in Tehran.

Ali Khamenei once told followers to "connect yourself to Ayatollah Khoshvaqt in storms."

During Iran's serial murders case in the 1990s, when intellectuals and dissidents were assassinated, one accused said that information reached the Supreme Leader's office through a cleric related to Khamenei's family.

Mostafa's specific role remains unclear, but the allegation highlighted how family connections intersected with state violence.

Not all Khamenei relatives support the Islamic Republic. Badri Khamenei, the Supreme Leader's only surviving sister, publicly called her brother's government a "tyrannical caliphate."

Her children, Mahmoud and Farideh Moradkhani, are known for harsh criticism of the system.

Hadi Khamenei, their brother, represents reformist views. Authorities have shuttered his newspapers, and security forces have repeatedly targeted him.

The Supreme Leader's maternal uncles also dissent. Hossein Mirdamadi has criticized government policies in open letters, while Ali Mirdamadi sought refuge in Britain after the 2009 protests.